Answering the hard questions
Straight answers to the questions everyone asks — citizens, Members of Parliament, partners and applicants.
The questions
Are we selling Vanuatu citizenship?
No. The Bill states in its objects and operative provisions that nothing in it confers citizenship, nationality or political rights, and that citizenship remains governed exclusively by the Constitution and the Citizenship Act. It sells services to non-citizens, not membership of the nation.
Can someone use this to get the right to vote, or to own custom land?
No. None of the statuses, documents or residencies carry political rights, and the Bill does not touch land law. Custom land and the vote flow from citizenship and custom, which are untouched.
Isn’t a non-citizen passport just a citizen passport by another name?
No. The Non-Citizen travel document is a separate instrument in law and on its face, issued only to non-citizens. It uses the international ICAO standard so it works at borders, but it is deliberately distinct from the Ni-Vanuatu citizen passport, whose integrity the Bill protects.
An outside operator builds this. Are we handing over control of our identity systems?
No. The operator is a locally registered company, and even so it never holds sovereign power. Every decision to approve, refuse, suspend or revoke stays with the Government; the operator’s representatives are barred from voting on regulatory and individual-application matters; and the Bill guarantees Government access to the data and systems and a route to take the platform back.
Who owns the operator — is it foreign-controlled?
The Future Citizen Bureau is a company registered in Vanuatu, with no foreign parent. And regardless of who operates the platform, the Bill keeps data sovereignty with Vanuatu through Government access rights, source-code custody, transition rights and step-in safeguards.
Why a 25-year partnership? Doesn’t that bind future governments?
A long term is normal for infrastructure a partner must fund upfront and recover over time — like a port or a power station. In exchange, Vanuatu gets the system built at no upfront cost. The Bill balances duration with termination grounds, performance standards, and Parliament’s continuing power over the programme’s substance.
Will the money actually reach the Treasury?
Government statutory fees and national contributions are paid into Government accounts through separate, traceable, audited channels, kept distinct from what the operator is paid. The Bureau reports to Parliament annually and submits to independent audit. The transparency is written into the law.
What does it cost the Government to start?
Nothing upfront. The partner finances the build and operating costs and recovers them from the administrative-fee stream over time. Vanuatu contributes sovereignty and oversight, not capital.
Is the Development Fund government debt by another name?
No. It is an at-risk investment fund, not a guaranteed bond — the State does not promise to repay each investor, so no fixed liability is added to the budget. Where the Fund buys government bonds, that portion is ordinary, transparent borrowing tracked by the Ministry of Finance.
If the Fund loses money, does the taxpayer pay?
No. Investors bear the investment risk — that is the disclosed nature of an at-risk fund, and status is never linked to investment performance. The taxpayer is not the backstop.
Does the Reserve Bank carry any of this?
No. The Fund is a ring-fenced vehicle issued by a regulated local financial institution. It does not run through the central bank, does not touch monetary policy, and does not put the Reserve Bank’s balance sheet at risk.
Could this damage Vanuatu’s reputation like past programmes?
It is designed to do the opposite. It separates citizenship entirely, writes AML/CFT/KYC and sanctions screening into primary law, adopts ICAO and international standards, and requires public annual reporting — the features international partners look for in a credible programme.
How is this different from Vanuatu’s existing investment programmes?
It complements them. The programme sits alongside the existing investment and financial-services regime rather than replacing it, and the Bill amends only the specific laws set out in Schedule 5 — the Passports Act, the Immigration Act and the International Companies Act.
What stops a future minister from quietly changing the rules?
The substance of the programmes sits in Schedules with the force of an Act, amendable only by Parliament. A minister cannot rewrite what the programmes are by regulation; only fee amounts and forms can be adjusted administratively, and even then after consultation.
Why should this have cross-party support?
Because international credibility depends on continuity. Partners, banks and applicants need confidence the framework will outlast one electoral term. Cross-party endorsement makes the programme more durable, more credible abroad, and ultimately more valuable to Vanuatu — whoever is in government.
When can I apply?
Upon commencement of the Act, in stages set by Order in the Gazette. Register your interest on the How to Apply page and you will be notified when applications open — with the official forms and the published fee schedule.
A question we haven’t answered?
Write to the programme office — or, for Members of Parliament and officials, request a briefing from the COM-approved Task Force.